The Theory of Shining Path

promising racetrack at first received much support from the rural universe as well. The Peruvian peasants believed that the revolutionary group would promote justice. showy Path promised to install a peasant-ruled state free of impertinent influence. smart Path was able to expand rapidly because of the recognition that democracy was not working: "In regions that were poor, but where Peru's antiauthoritarian institutions were relatively strong, Sendero [ brilliant Path] advanced slowly if at all" (U.S. Congress, 1992a, 29).

The pop election of Peruvian President Alberto Fujumori brought dramatic improvements to the country's economy, but by this time blaze Path's expansion appeared unstoppable. The group even stepped up its activities in Lima, which shook the government's confidence. Nevertheless Fujimori swore that he would wipe start the terrorists: " by and by several years of striking out blindly against the population, the state began to reformulate its counterinsurgency strategies" (Izaguirre 2).

A particularly effective technique used by Fujimori was the establishment of "faceless courts." settle in such courts were able to try terrorist suspects while remain anonymous. The zeal with which these courts operated, however, raised concerns in the world community: "[Peru has] gaol more than 4,000 people for terrorism, often on thin secernate and with little due process. Human-rights groups say a quarter of these prisoners may be innocent" ("Shining," 1)

Strong, Simon. Shining Path. New York: Times Books, 1992.

Shortly after his imprisonment, Guzman consented to a counterinsurgency treaty with the Fujimori government. This treaty calls for the disarmament of Shining Path and the espousal of a new direction: "For Guzman, saving the Party requires crippled all sabotage and guerrilla activities and engaging in strip political activities for several years" (Izaguirre 2). In exchange, the government agree not to prosecute Party members, allowing them to go free after serving in the military.

Shining Path met with much success in its early stages because of its preference for operating in geographic situations where political vacuums existed, namely rural areas with little or no government presence.

A few armed Shining Path members move into the area and establish contacts with the community through relatives or acquaintances. This lends legitimacy to the terrorists. Once a number of converts have been secured, Shining Path forms the nucleus of a Popular Committee. Each military commission has a leadership of a handful of individuals who manage security, production, common matters, and organization. The committee maintains control over the population based on its ability to call on the support of Shining Path's terrorist specialists. Because the topical anaesthetic Communist Party organization of Shining Path body underground, victims and the government are powerless to fight back: " habituated the virtual absence or intermittent nature of the government's presence, in that respect simply is no one to whom villagers have recourse" (Marks 197). The bigness and depth of Shining Path's organizational forms contributed to the group's effectiveness.

Part of the reason Shining Path thrived was its financial connections to the Peruvian cocain industry. The Upper Huallaga Valley, where Shining Path first gained much of its control, is Peru's primary drug-producing area. The drug producers right Shining Path a fee to protect the cocaine crop and
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